The Record · New York
NY · Democrat · Senate
Charles E. Schumer hurt women and families in 3 of the 29 votes we track.
Voted against protecting the right to birth control.
What it means for herShe's 19 and on the pill. Her right to birth control rests on Supreme Court rulings from 1965 and 1972. When the Court ended Roe in 2022, one justice wrote that it should rethink the 1965 ruling. This bill would have made birth control a right under federal law. Source: Dobbs v. Jackson, 2022, Thomas concurrence
Voted against restoring the Voting Rights Act.
What it means for herShe's 70, Black, and lives in Georgia. Until 2013, her state needed federal approval before changing voting rules, like closing polling places. After the Supreme Court ended that, places that had needed approval closed 1,688 polling places by 2018. This bill would have brought the check back. Source: Leadership Conference Education Fund, 2019
Voted against national rules to protect voting.
What it means for herShe's a nurse who works 12-hour shifts, and Election Day is a workday. This bill would have given every voter at least two weeks of early voting, weekends included. It would also have let anyone vote by mail and made Election Day a federal holiday. Source: Bill text, S.2747
We wrote down which bills and nominations count, and why, before we scored anyone. A vote counts as hurting women and families when it takes away care, coverage, safety or rights, and as helping when it protects them. A missed vote never counts against anyone. Money and court cases are shown, but never change the grade.
A confirmation vote is scored on the record of the person confirmed, INCLUDING rulings and decisions made after the vote was cast. Why this is a rule and not a liberty: an appointment is the only vote whose entire purpose is the future conduct of another person. A senator confirming a judge to a lifetime seat is not expressing an opinion about a résumé; they are choosing who will decide cases for the next thirty years. Treating the later decisions as irrelevant would make the most consequential vote in the Senate the only one we score on nothing. THREE CONSTRAINTS, so this cannot become hindsight dressed as judgement: 1. IT APPLIES SYMMETRICALLY. A confirmed appointee whose later record is protective counts protective for the senators who confirmed them, by the same arithmetic. The rule is not a one-way ratchet and must never be applied only where the outcome is unfavourable. 2. IT APPLIES TO EVERY CONFIRMATION IN THE DIMENSION, not to selected ones. If we invoke a later ruling for one justice we invoke the equivalent record for all of them. 3. THE LATER EVENT MUST BE CITED like any other evidence — named, dated, linked. "Gorsuch later joined the Dobbs majority" is a checkable fact about a published opinion, not a characterisation. WHAT IT DOES NOT LICENSE: scoring a LEGISLATIVE vote by later events. A senator voting on a bill votes on text they can read. If the bill turns out worse than expected, that is a finding about the bill, not a fact they concealed. This rule is confined to appointments, where the future conduct of a person IS the subject of the vote.
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